[He] forbears his fame to make it theirs:And has his sword and spoils ungirt,To lay them at the publics skirt. Finally, the author denigrated the rebellious Scots valor, as he unabashedly compared Cromwell to Caesar and predicted that the Scots will “Shrink underneath the plaid [their kilts]” in reaction to Cromwells coming invasion.33The victories in Ireland were only the beginning of what some thought Cromwell might accomplish. The Fifth Monarchist movement had viewed the execution of Charles I as making way for the earthly reign of Jesus Christ Himself. One member of the sect, New Model Army veteran John Spittlehouse, published a pamphlet in 1650 which attacked the aristocracy and endorsed the Kings execution. Spittlehouse warned the Papacy to “beware of Nol Cromwells army, lest Hugh Peter come to preach in St. Peters chair.”34 To him and other Fifth Monarchists, England (and the Revolution) represented a precedent of what God intended to do elsewhere.35 Cromwell had originally been recalled from Ireland in order to assist General Fairfax in defeating the Scottish revolt. Fairfax, however, refused to involve himself in a war against the Presbyterian Scots, so the command was given to Cromwell alone. The Scots had been appalled by the execution of Charles, a Scottish King, and they conditionally proclaimed Charles II king six days after the execution. The young king arrived in Scotland in the Spring of 1650 and raised an army. In the last week of July Cromwell led an English force into Scotland. The Lord Generals approach to the quelling of the Scottish revolt was thoroughly different from the course taken in Ireland. Cromwell published in Scotland A Declaration of the Army of England upon his march into that country. He appealed to the Scots as fellow Covenanters to realize the error of their ways. He justified the invasion as a self defense “of English religion and liberty.”36 This policy of moderation by Cromwell stands in stark contrast to his behavior in Ireland where he was bent on the destruction of “popish interests.”At Dunbar on September 4, 1650 Cromwells 11,000 man army routed a Scottish army twice its size. In his report to Parliament he described the battle in detail and related the English armys dramatic battle cry, “the Lord of Hosts!” The Lord General saw the army as comparable to the “chariots and horsemen of Israel.” The victory would not only be a benefit to England but also an example which “shall shine forth to other nations who shall emulate such a pattern.”37 The 12 September issue of the government newspaper Mercurius Politicus described the Stuarts as being asdespotic as the Roman Tarquin, and it praised Cromwell not only for his triumph but for his mercy towards Scottish wounded, whom the Lord General had ordered to be treated kindly.38The Scottish forces never fully recovered from the rout at Dunbar; however, they were still strong enough to create problems for the English. On 3 September 1651, the one year anniversary of Dunbar, Cromwell won a decisive victory at Worcester, deep in English territory. Charles II himself led the Scots into the battle and only barely escaped capture. The Scottish-Royalist movement was thus exterminated for the near future. In bulletins sent to England in the days following the battle, which were read “from all London pulpits,” Cromwell thanked the Lord for what “He hath wrought for this Commonwealth and for his people.” He viewed the victory as divine approval for the “[English] Nation and the change of government” brought about by the revolution.39 A published account by an English eyewitness to the battle saw things in the same light as the Lord General. He said that the the “Lord hath clothed us in white garments, our enemies in bloody garments.” To him, the victory was the “beginning of their fall [Englands] before appearance of the Lord Jesus [i.e. the millennium].”40His Scottish victories earned Cromwell still more glory from pamphleteers. In 1652, Payne Fisher published a tiresomely long poem dedicated to Cromwell entitled appropriately enough Veni, Vidi, Vici. It declared the Lord General to be an “Instrument of God used to destroy the Scots.” In endless comparisons Fisher set Cromwell alongside virtually every noted military figure in Greek and Roman antiquity. He was the equal of Ulysses and Aeneas, as well as Priam and Agamemnon in the poets eyes. Because he fought for “liberty and religion,” God was on his side. The idea that the Lord Generals conquests had brought Gods blessings upon the English people was the main thrust of the work.41In 1653, the self-proclaimed prophet Arise Evans printed a compilation of his visions. In one of them he claimed to have seen himself carried from France to Rome and heard “a voice come to me saying, `So far as thou art come, so far shall Cromwell come.”42 Considered insane by the authorities, Evans had been a court prophet to Charles I and was to be one later for Cromwell, despite the fact that he continually predicted the restoration of the Stuarts.43 The respect accorded to Evans is attested to by the tolerance given him, and his predictions, by both the Kings and Protectors courts. The forcible dissolution of the Long Parliament (the Rump) in April 1653 by Cromwell and the army, and the establishment of a nominated (Barebones) parliament was seen by many religious extremists as a step towards a “new age.” This was especially true for the Fifth Monarchists with whom Cromwell was associated closely at this time. This association was the result of Cromwells friendship with General Harrison, a known Fifth Monarchist, as well as the Lord Generals appointing of several members of the sect to the Barebones. His speech on 4 July 1653 to the first assembly of the Barebones Parliament gave encouragement to beliefs of the coming of a new age of “godly rule.” Cromwell had “surrendered himself to millenarian enthusiasm” according to Barry Coward, as he told the Barebones,Truly you are called by God to rule with Him and for Him, I confess I never looked to see such a day as this when Jesus Christ should be so owned as He is, at this day… this may be the door to usher in the things that God has promised; which have been prophesied of . . . we have some of us thouht, that it is our duty to endeavor this way; not vainly to look at that prophesy in Daniel.44Cromwells euphoria soon dissipated as the Barebones Parliament became a thorn in his side just as the previous parliaments had been to the Stuarts. A conservative backlash, joined by Cromwell himself, also swelled up against some of the more radical ideas espoused by the Parliament, especially those concerning property. As Cromwell later told his officers, “Ministry and property were like to be destroyed . . . Who could have said anything was their own if they [the barebones] had gone on?”45On 12 December 1653 the moderate majority of the Barebones resigned and four days later Cromwell accepted the Instrument of Government and was installed as Lord Protector. To most radicals, Cromwell was seen as a traitor to the Revolution. Some however held on to the hope that he would use his new power to enact reforms and pursue the crusading pro-Protestant policies which the Barebones had been unable to do. Among these men was John Rogers, an Independent minister and Fifth Monarchist who still believed Cromwell to be a champion of reform.46 In 1654 he published Doomsday Drawing Nigh, a book he dedicated to Cromwell, “the Peoples Victorious Champion.” He wrote, “His Excellency the Lord Jesus hath sent out his summons to other nations also, and the blade of the sword (whose handle is held in England) will reach to the very gates of Rome.” Rogers called upon England to help her Protestant neighbors in Bordeaux and Germany. In his mind, all Protestants were bound together and should join together their armies and navies. “The peoples eyes and cries are directed to the Lord General,” according to Rogers, “as the interest by whom they are [to be] recovered out of the Norman tyranny.” The characterization of the “Norman Tyranny” as a “yoke” was a reference to the equal rights and privileges believed to have been lost by the average Englishman through the Norman conquest.47 Oliver Cromwell was the peoples champion in Rogers eyes because he conquered “not for himself but for the people,” in contrast to the selfish William the Conqueror. The author finished out his work by quoting and interpreting numerous prophesies of his own and others. One prophecy, which he credited to the French astrologer Nostradamus, had England beginning a Reformation by destroying Rome with her armies. The Turk too would be vanquished by the English, in league with the Venetians according to the predictions.48 Like others, Rogers picked up upon the theme of England emerging as a power to be reckoned with, led by Cromwell. Andrew Marvell wrote a poem in 1655 to the Protector to commemorate the first anniversary of Cromwellian rule. Marvell, a protege of Milton, was not only unperturbed by Cromwells assumption of one man rule, he rather seemed to grow in his fondness for the Protector. The poem opened with almost fifty lines praising the vigor of the Lord Protector as a ruler. The next sixty lines were a testament to his construction of such a harmonious state. Marvell then bemoaned the fact that mans sins had delayed the millennium. He decried those who still worshiped “the whore” (Rome) and those who subjugated the Indian and burned the Jew (Spain), when instead they should have been trying to convert them in anticipation of the millennium. The poet pictures Cromwell rooting out Catholicism by using the image of the scarlet beast of the Apocalypse. Till then my muse shall hollo far behindAngelic Cromwell who outwings the wind,And in dark nights, and in cold days alonePursues the monster thorough every throne:Which shrinking to her Roman den impure,Gnashes her gory teeth; nor there secure. Marvell demonstrated his desire for Cromwell to become king by comparing him favorably to Gideon and Noah. He was critical of the Fifth Monarchists, whose prophesies were “fit to be [put in the] Koran.” Marvells final plea to Cromwell, “the angel of our Commonwealth,” was to continue healing yearly the “troubling water” around England as he had done thus far.49Some of the literature of this period which applauded Cromwell or cast him in the role of religious crusader was either outright government-sponsored propaganda or, at the least, encouraged by the government. An example of this is in the 1656 translation of Bartolomeo De La Casas book The Tears of the Indians. The translator, John Phillips, wrote the books dedication to “Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth,” asking the Protector to avenge the Spanish slaughter of the twenty million Indians of whom De La Casas wrote. Phillips suggested that the Indians cries would cease “at the noise of Your [Cromwell] great transactions, while you arm for their revenge.” The translator saw divine virtues in Cromwell which would rightfully allow him to punish “the bloody and popish nation of the Spaniards,” whose crimes were “far surpassing the popish cruelties in Ireland.” Phillips timely translation and dedication were used to help rouse up support for the coming war with Spain. As Phillips was the nephew of John Milton (Cromwells first official censor and propaganda minister), Phillips work was surely encouraged, if not authorized, by the government.50Another example of Cromwellian propaganda can be seen in the governments response to the public outcry to help the persecuted Protestants in the French regions under the Duke of Savoy. News sheets from the Continent had described in depth the persecution suffered by the Protestants in that area. An account of the atrocities against Protestants in Savoy was printed in April of 1655. It described people being nailed to trees, babies being eaten, and “abuses upon women as are not to be named, so that it was a favor to be cut into pieces.” The account was accompanied by pictures “so that the eye may affect the heart.”51 Another 1655 pamphlet by a Frenchman recounted the history of one hundred and fifty years of suffering endured by Savoy Protestants. His narrative reportedly was “sent to his highness the Lord Protector” and “published by his command.”52The government of the Protector published a series of letters in 1656 from Cromwell to Foreign princes and states “for the strengthening and preserving of the Protestant religion.” The letters asked the rulers of Sweden, United Provinces, Denmark, and Transylvania to pressure France and join England in a Protestant league.53 It is obvious the letters were a government-backed public relations ploy to drum up support for the regime. While it is certain that Cromwell did sympathize with his Protestant brethren, the Anglo-French alliance signed in March 1657 casts doubt on his sincerity in proposing a Protestant league against France.54On the whole, Cromwells reversion to one-man rule disillusioned most radicals. Tracts concerning Cromwell now tended to dwell on betrayal and missed opportunities. Quakers James Nayler and George Fox in 1655 wrote a piece critical of Cromwell for not carrying out the reforms which they felt he had promised, denouncing any move towards the abolition of lay preaching. To them Cromwll had surrounded himself with less “godly” men than previously. They wrote that the “Lord has set the army above all your enemies,” on the one hand, but, “[you must] choose men of God to bear the Sword of God” on the other.55Some writers even went farther in their solutions to the Protectors problems. Walter Gostello in his pamphlet Charles Stuart and Oliver Cromwell United urged Cromwell to ask Charles IIs forgiveness and restore him. Claiming his message to be “declared from God Almighty to the publisher,” Gostello predicted Romes downfall. His message to Cromwell was to “stay the Sword,” convert the Jew and the Irish, and restore Charles II along with the peers.56 While he is obviously a prophet with Royalist leanings, Gostellos pleas to Cromwell to change his course are typical of this period.The most impassioned admonition to Cromwell was written by George Fox. The Protector had always been friendly to the Quakers on a personal level and they had felt he was on their side. But by 1657 it was apparent that the desired changes were not forthcoming. But Fox still believed it was Cromwells sinfulness, not his intentions, which had ruined Englands chance for greatness. O Oliver, hadst thou been faithful and thundered down the deceit, the Hollander [could] had been thy subject and tributary, Germany had given up to have done thy will, and the Spaniard had quivered like a dry leaf wanting the virtue of God, the King of France should have bowed his neck under thee, the Pope should have withered as in winter, the Turk in all his fatness should have smoked, thou shouldst not have stood trifling about small things, but minded the work of the Lord as He began with thee first.57Ending with Fox is appropriate in more ways than one. First, he summed up the wide range of expectations concerning Cromwell and England. Secondly, and more importantly, the quote is full of irony: Fox was bitter towards Cromwell for not living up to the very image which pamphleteers like himself helped to create. The facade of Protestant Champion was a result of many factors–international events, the millennial atmosphere created by the Revolutions upheaval, and the martial skill of the New Model Army and Cromwell. However, the key to the pamphleteers motivation lay in the utterances and writings of Cromwell himself. His deep religious convictions and belief in Gods hand as the controlling force in his own life were transferred into his public character. Oliver Cromwell unintentionally projected the image of a millenial crusader, though he was not above exploiting this reputation for political benefit. The explosion of pamphlets fostered and encouraged this image, but by the mid-1650s it was clear that Cromwell was unfit for the role. The fatal flaw for Cromwell was that his military and political pragmatism made him both unsuitable and unwilling to fulfill the wilder aspirations of the popular media. ————————————————————————Kevin A. Creed received a B.A. degree in History, with a minor in Foreign Affairs, from the University of Virginia in 1992. This essay is based on his undergraduate thesis for Michael Graham’s seminar on apocalypticism in early modern Europe.————————————————————————Endnotes1. G. E. Aylmer, Rebellion or Revolution (Oxford, 1986), 65. 2. Christopher Hill, Gods Englishman (New York, 1970), 155. 3. Barry Coward, The Stuart Age (London, 1980), 188-190. 4. In Stows 1603 survey of the city, he counts 123 parish churches, along with St. Pauls and St. Peters, in London and the immediate suburbs. John Stow, A Survey of London (Oxford, 1908), 2:143. 5. Thomas Carlyle, ed., Oliver Cromwells Letters and Speeches (London, 1857), 1:173. 6. Ibid., 1:187. 7. Hugh Peter, Gods Doings and Mans Duty (London, 1646), 14-23.8. Mercurius Civicus (London, 30 April 1646), 1-2. 9. Christopher Hill, Puritanism and Revolution (New York, 1958), 126. 10. Mark Kishlansky, The Rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge, 1979), 180. 11. Charles Firth, Oliver Cromwell (New York, 1908), 163. 12. Carlyle, Letters and Speeches, 1:295. 13. Mercurius Elenctius (London, 6 December 1648). 14. Clement Walker, The History of Independency (London, 1649), 49. 15. Firth, Oliver Cromwell, 238. 16. Louis XIV, The Declaration of the Most Christian King of France and Navarre (Paris, 2 January 1649). 17. Sir Ralph Clare, A Declaration to the English Nation (London, 28 April 1649), 1-7. 18. Anthony Fletcher, The Outbreak of the English Civil War (New York, 1981), 136. 19. Ibid., 138-139. 20. W. R. The Rebels Turkish Tyranny (London, 1641). 21. Anthony Rouse, Gods Vengeance Upon the Rebels (London, 14 December 1641). 22. Barbarous and Inhumane Proceedings (London, 1655), 24-46. 23. Daniel Harcourt, “The Clergys Lamentation,” Mercurius Aulicus (London, 1644). 24. Morely Gent, A Remonstrance of the Barbarous Cruelties and Bloody Murders (London, 1644). 25. The Impudence of the Romish Whore (London, 1644). Thomas Emitie, A New Remonstrance From Ireland (London, 1642). 26. D. M. R. Esson, The Curse of Cromwell (London, 1971), 38-62. 27. Firth, Oliver Cromwell, 257. 28. Ibid., 267. 29. Carlyle, Letters and Speeches, 2:49-55. 30. Ibid., 70. 31. W. C. Abbot, Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (New York, 1937). 32. Carlyle, Letters and Speeches, 2:71. 33. Elizabeth Donno, ed., Andrew Marvell: Complete Poems (England, 1985), 55-58, 238-241. 34. John Spittlehouse, Rome Ruind by Whitehall (London, 1650). 35. B. S. Capp, The Fifth Monarch Men (London, 1972), 151. 36. Oliver Cromwell, A Declaration of the Army of England (Newcastle, 1650). 37. Carlyle, Letters and Speeches, 2:193. 38. Mercurius Politicus (London, 12 September 1650). 39. Carlyle, Letters and Speeches, 2:296. 40. Robert Stapylton, Letter To Parliament (London, September 1651), 1, 6-7. 41. Payne Fisher, Veni, Vidi, Vici (London, 1652), 8-26, 85-89. 42. Arise Evans, An Echo to the Voice from Heaven (London, 1652). 43. Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down (London, 1972), 278-279. 44. Barry Coward, The Stuart Age, 222. 45. Hill, Gods Englishman, 140-43. 46. Robert Zaller and Richard Greaves, Biographical Dictionary of British Radicals in the Seventeenth Century (Sussex, 1982), 76. 47. Hill, Puritanism and Revolution, 50-55. 48. John Rogers, Sagir, or Doomsday Drawing Nigh (London, 1654), 14-17, 89, 132. 49. Donno, Andrew Marvell, 126-137, 268-273. 50. Bartolomeo De La Casas, The Tears of the Indians (London, John Phillips, trans., 1656), intro. Hill, Gods Englishman, 164. 51. Barbarous and Inhumane Proceedings, 46-48. 52. Jean Paul Perrin, History of the Vaudois (London, 1655), 1. 53. Oliver Cromwells Letters to Foreign Princes (London, 1656). 54. Aylmer, Rebellion or Revolution, 239-240. 55. Jaes Nayler and George Fox, To Thee Oliver Cromwell (London, 1655), 2-3. 56. Walter Gostello, Charles Stuart and Oliver Cromwell United (London, 1655). 57. William Braithwaite, The Beginnings of Quakerism (Cambridge, 1970), 440.