«Rapein warfare (says Brownmiller) is not bounded by definitions of which wars are ‘just’ or ‘unjust’.» Theexamples she gives are the«German Hun» (presumably it is acceptable to be racist about men) in Belgium during World War I, the Russians in World War II, the Pakistani army in Bangladesh in 1971, and theAmerican GI’s in Vietnam – noneof which could be called a just war from a left wing perspective. The Vietcong (who were fighting a just anti-imperialist war), according to news correspondent Peter Arnett and not disputed by Brownmiller, «were prohibited from looting, stealing food or rape … We heard very littleof VC rape.» Arnett thought their (extraordinary by his experience) behaviour needed someexplanation which heattempted by reference to the fact «they had women fighting as equals among their men». Brownmiller offers none.
Brownmiller and de Beauvoir could claim credibility becauseanthropologists until the 1960s almost universally agreed women had always been oppressed. Anthropology, becauseof its claim to scientific research, was difficult to challenge. However a key starting point for assessing anthropological evidenceis a recognition that it is nothing more than collected observations of academics from the more developed world who visited pre-capitalist societies. Their observations cannot be read at face value. Firstly, they took with them the cultural and social views of capitalist society which distorted their interpretation of what they saw. Anthropologists such as Eleanor Burke Leacock, Karen Sacks and others have convincingly shown how male-oriented and prejudiced influential anthropologists such as Malinowsky and Levi Strauss were.
Western anthropologists and other observers, imposing their view of the world on the societies they studied, assumed the nuclear family of modern capitalism to beauniversal featureof human organisation of reproduction and sexuality. Society was assumed to be divided into the«public», male sphereand the«private», female sphere, a concept clearly associated historically with the riseof capitalism and completely useless in understanding the co-operative, collective natureof gatherer-hunters’ lives. In many societies there was a sexual division of labour in which women took most responsibility for children and gathering, while men did most of the hunting. Because women’s responsibility for child carein our society contributes to their inferior status and oppression, it was erroneously assumed this could be read into themeaning of their work in all societies. Even many feminist anthropologists «assume low status for maternity, which they seeas constraining activities, hindering personality development, and reducing women’s symbolic value. They project the values of our cultureonto other cultures.» Judith Brown, writing about the division of labour by sex, assumes that women’s reproductive role determines their existenceas gatherer-hunters, and that women’s «tasks are relatively monotonous and do not require rapt concentration; and the work, is not dangerous, can be performed in spiteof interruptions» (by children). This ignores evidence from many societies where women’s work is very skilled and varied, providing, the bulk of food. Sacks shows that in some societies women adapt thenumber of pregnancies to the needs of production. She showed that! Kung women do not takea break from gathering while nursing their infants, which «attests to the cultural centrality of women’s productive roles, as well as countering a simple minded reproductive determinism.»