However, those who wish to know what the cahtolic and apostolic Church will feel, what it will teach, what it will judge, and what it will uphold cncerning investiture, let him read in the first chapter of that council which was held in the times of Pope Gregory VII …. And now similarly in the council of Paschal II all those clerics are condemned and sepertaed from the community of the faithful whoever receive [their office] from the hand of a layman …. The concord between the firts and last Church is right, it is as it was in the time of the apostles, so it is now in our own time….40At no point in this letter does Bruno chastise Paschal in the manner we have already seen in his other letters after Paschal’s granting of the privilegium; nor does this letter hint at Bruno’s mistrust of Paschal, also a post-privilegium characteristic of Bruno’s other letters. In fact, Bruno is comfortable comparing the Church of Paschal with the apostolic Church (a comparison he would avoid in the De Sacramentis). It seems most probable, therefore, that this letter was composed sometime between March 1110 and the privilegium of April 1111. If this is the case, it would demonstrate that Bruno was thinking about many of the same sacramentals he would discuss in the De Sacramentis already within the context of the investiture controversy just prior to the period when he would have written the De Sacramentis. Even if we cannot be certain of when the above letter was composed, it provides us excellent reason to contextualize the De Sacramentis within the investiture controversy. Bruno argued in the letter that episcopal authority comes from the church and that a king can only add to this his aid and defense.41 It is not the king’s right to invest his bishops:When, however, the ring and staff are given by whom they ought to be give and where and how they ought to be given, they are sarcaments of the Church, just like water and salt, oil and crism, and all the other things without which the consecrations of people and churches can not be made.42Bruno is thinking about the investiture controversy as, in a sense, a liturgical and sacramental issue. Only the Church has the power to administer genuine sacraments and that gives these sacraments their meaning. This is true of the consecration of both people and churches alike. This letter to the bishops and cardinals of Rome loans further credence to interpreting the De Sacramentis as a contribution to the investiture debate. The letter also serves as a contrast with Bruno’s silence on Petrine authority in the De Sacramentis.In this setting, we can imagine Bruno, disenchanted with Paschal and out of favor with the papacy after the compromise of 1112, re-envisioning for himself and his fellow bishops the way the reform of the Church would take place – it would be the responsibility of the bishops to make the Church holy, to make the institution a sacred place. This is the consistent metaphor of the De Sacramentis: Episcopal consecration of the Church. In a general sense Bruno puts forth this metaphor by describing and interpreting the liturgy of a bishop consecrating a church. More specifically, Bruno makes this point within the individual analogies of his commentary. He admirably combines both a discussion of the greater significance of a bishop’s vestments with a discussion of the duties of a bishop as represented by sacramental elements to place his polemic solidly within the context of the Investiture controversy. Throughout the De Sacramentis Bruno refers to the didactic responsibility of the bishop. Salt, as it is placed in a child’s mouth at baptism, represents the rudiments of faith contained in the baptismal creed Bruno put to the faithful.43 The bishop’s staff represents his authority and responsibility to preach to his flock.44 Water also represents the bishop preaching to his congregation.45The second half of the text focusses on the vestments which the bishop would be wearing and Bruno uses this as an occasion to discuss the appropriate behavior of a bishop. So the bishop’s amictus represents his chastity as does his mitra.46 The orarium represents the yoke and burden of Christ (as in, “my yoke is easy and my burden is light,” Mt 9.28) which the bishop bears.47 The tunica represents the focus of the bishop’s mind and desires on heaven.48 The pallium, as we have seen, signifies the bishops willingness and responsibility to take on the burdens of the weak and sinful members of his flock.49 The manipulum represents the good works of the bishop, and the annulus marks the bishop as both the vicar of Christ and as representative of the bride of Christ, the Church.50 Finally, the bishop is anointed on his hands and this should remind the bishop of his responsibility to be merciful and generous to the poor.51This last analogy comes in the final section of the work, De consecrationibus episcoporum. This concluding section stands as the mirror of the opening section, De consecratione ecclesiae. The very structure of the commentary unites the holiness of the church to the holiness of the episcopate. The genre of liturgical commentary strengthens Bruno’s claim that the proper behavior of the bishop (allegorized from his precise ritual behavior) causes the consecration of the Church. The episcopal ideal, the ideals of the Gregorian reform, are reflected in the very vestments the bishop wears. Every bishop must vest themselves in charity and mercy, must bear the burdens of preaching and defense of the poor. This is not say that Bruno wasn’t concerned with the behavior or the morality of the broader Church, i.e, of the lower clergy or the laity. Far from being unconcerned, Bruno mentions the lower clergy by name once and most of the first part of the work easily applies to all Christians. Bruno’s concern for preaching, as discussed above, also points to his desire to have these ideas transferred to the laity. So, the altar of the church is the altar of the heart. Here the body and blood of Christ is remembered, it is in the heart that we receive God.52 As relics are placed into an altar, so we ought to bear the memory of the saints within our hearts.53 The oil which anoints the altar and ourselves at baptism and confirmation is a reminder of our duty to be merciful.54Bruno has produced a highly original commentary in the De Sacramentis differing widely from its best-known predecessor, Duodecim Candelae. The latter remains firmly rooted in the tradition of allegorizing the liturgy in terms of the historical events of the scriptures. The De Sacramentis is more concerned with personal, especially episcopal, moral action. Bruno’s ideas would influence future commentators.55 In some ways Bruno’s work predicts the growing disenchantment with the older school of papal reformers, to which Bruno himself once belonged, and which would come to a crisis in the election of Innocent II (1130-1143). Then, the cardinals appointed by Paschal II and Gelasius II would find their candidate (Anacletus II) without support among the younger faces of reform.56 By choosing the genre of liturgical commentary as a mechanism to present his reform Bruno testifies both to the vitality of the liturgy within the communal life of the twelfth-century Church and the intense conversion of heart at the center of the Gregorian reforms. ————————————————————————BibliographyPrimary SourcesAmalarii episcopi, Opera Liturgica Omnia. Edited by John M. Hanssens, S.J. Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1950. Bruno Signiensis, De Sacramentis Ecclesiae. In J.P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Latina vol. 165, 1089-1110. ——–. Epistolae Quatuor. In Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Libellus de lite imperatorum et pontificum saeculis XI et XII conscripti vol. 2, pp. 563-65. Hanover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1892. Hugo of S. Victoriensis. De Sacramentis Christianae Fidei. In J.P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Latina vol. 176. Quid Significent Duodecim Candelae. Edited by Cyrille Vogel in Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Dixi me Si cle, vol. 1, pp. 90-121. Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1963. Secondary SourcesBrown, Barton. Enigmata Figuram: A Study of the Third Book of the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum of William Durandus and its Allegorical Treatment of the Christian Liturgical Vestments. New York: Dissertation, New York U, 1983. Cantarella, Glauco Maria. “Bruno di MonteCassino o il disagio del Primato Romano.” In L’eta dell’Abate Desiderio. Vol. 3.1: Storia, arte e cultura. Atti del IV Convegno di studi sul medioevo meridonale, Montecassino e Cassino 4-8 ottobre 1987. Miscellanea cassinese 67. Montecassino, 1992 [appeared 1995], pp. 483-491. Christe, Yves. “De B de Bruno de Segni.” In +tudes de Civilisation M di vale (IXe- XIIe si cles). M langes offerts Edmond-Ren Labande. Poitiers: C.+.S.C.M., [1974?]Dormeier, Heinrich. Montecassino und die Laien im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert. Mit einem einleitenden Beitrag “Zur Geschichte Montecassinos im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert” von Hartmut Hoffmann. (Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 27.) Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1979. Evans, Gillian R. “St. Anselm and St. Bruno of Segni: The Common Ground.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 29, (April, 1978), pp. 129-144. Ferraro, Giuseppe. “Lo Spiritu Santo nei commentaria in Ioannem di S. Bruno Astense vescovo di Segni. Note di teologia ed esegesi.” In Parola e Spirito. Studi in onore di Settimo Cipriani, vol. 1, pp. 623-44. Edited by Cesare Casale Marcheselli. Brescia: Paideia Editrice, 1982. Fransen, G rard. “R flexions sur l’ tude des collections canoniques l’occasion de l’ dition d’une lettre de Bruno De Segni.” Studi Gregoriani 9 (1972), pp. 515- 533. Gr goire, Reginald. Bruno de Segni: Ex g te M di val et Th ologien Monastique. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’alto medieoevo, 1965. Hrbata, Joseph. “De expositione missae Walfradi Strabonis.” Ephemerides Liturgicae 63 (1949), pp. 146-147. Robinson, I.S. The Papacy 1073-1198: Continuity and Innovation Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990. ——–. Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century. New York: Manchester UP, 1978. Vogel, Cyrille. Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources. Translated by William G. Storey and Niels Krogh Rasmussen, O.P. Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral P, 1986. ————————————————————————Notes1. See N. F. Cantor, Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089-1135 (Princeton, 1958), pp. 6-9; G. Kallen, Der Investiturstreit als Kampf zwischen germanischem und romanischem Denken (Cologne, 1937); G. Tellenbach, Church, State, and Christian Society at the time of the Investiture Contest (Oxford, 1940); W. Ullman, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages (London, 1970), pp. 262-412; Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 1988); R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe 950-1250 (Oxford, 1987), respecitvely.2. An excellent study of these events, if not the standard, is I.S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge, 1990).3. Bruno Signiensis, De Sacramentis Ecclesiae. In J.P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Latina (= PL) 165, 1089-1110. The De Sacramentis opens with a description of the consecration of a new church (1091) and an extensive analysis and commentary on the elements of that consecration (1092-1099). Following this is an analyisis and commentary on various sacramental elements and the liturgical vestments of a bishop (1099-1110).4. Reginald Gr goire, Bruno de Segni: Ex g te M di val et Th ologien Monastique (Spoleto, 1965), pp. 16-19.5. Gr goire, pp. 24-27.6. Gr goire, p. 30.7. Gr goire, p. 40, see n. 112.8. Gr goire, p. 44, see also pp. 121-122 for a discussion of the letter Cuncti procul dubio preserved only in Peter the Deacon’s Chronicon Casinense.9. These negotiations were complex and what follows is necessarily a simplification.10. See Robinson, pp. 424-429. Robinson is dependent upon U.-R. Blumenthal’s reading of Paschal’s position at Sutri: Blumenthal, “Patrimonia and Regalia in 1111,” in Law, Church and Society. Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner ed. K. Pennington and R. Sommerville (Pennsylvania, 1977), pp. 12-16.11. Gr goire, p. 52; Robinson (1990), p. 429.12. Primum autem hoc sciatis, quia dominus papa neque me diligit neque consilium meum. Voluntas autem bona mutari non debet. Et ego quidem quod dixi hoc dico et in Gregorii et Urbani sententia firmissime maneo, et spero de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, quia in hac voluntate usque in finem permanebo. (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Libellus de lite imperatorum et pontificum saeculis XI et XII conscripti vol. 2, p. 565, ep. 3 See Gr goire, p. 53.)13. Ego enim sic te diligo, sicut patrem et dominum diligere debeo et nullum alium te vivente pontificem habere volo, sicut ego cum multis aliis tibi promisi …. Debeo igitur diligere te, sed plus debeo illum diligere qui te fecit et me. (MGH, Libellus v. 2, p.564, ep. 2.)14. MGH, Libellus v. 2, p.564-65.15. Gr goire, pp. 54-55. For a detailed discussion of the relationship between Paschal II and Bruno see Glauco Maria Cantarella, “Bruno di MonteCassino o il disagio del Primato Romano,” in L’eta dell’Abate Desiderio (Montecassino, 1992), pp. 483- 491.16. Bruno’s brothers at Monte Cassino appear to have been ambivalent at best about him while he was abbot (see Gr goire, pp. 55-56). Bruno’s zeal and regular business away from the monastery must have made him a difficult abbot to appreciate. While his brothers did not deliberately leave his name off of their necrology they did write in another name over his in the following century which suggests a certain lukewarmness of feeling: see Heinrich Dormeier, Montecassino und die Laien im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1979), pp 112-113.17. I.S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (NY, 1978), pp. 163-69.18. Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources (Washington, D.C., 1986), pp. 237-39. The Romano-Germanic Pontifical is primarily a collection liturgies, but is also filled with commentaries on those liturgies as well as didactic texts. It may have functioned as a handbook of right practice.19. Cyrille Vogel and Reinhard Elze, Le Pontifical Romano- Germanique du Dixi me Si cle (Vatican City, 1963), vol. 3, p. 32 and pp. 50-51; see also pp. 1-6 for a brief summary of its origins and pp. 44-51 for its wide use.20. Vogel and Elze, Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Dixi me Si cle (1963), Quid Significent Duodecim Candelae (= QSDC) vol. 1, pp. 90-121.21. Amalarii episcopi, Opera Liturgica Omnia edited by John M. Hanssens, S.J. (Vatican City, 1950), vol. 3, pp. 98-99. Bruno uses the term pontifex a scant nine times in a document some 7200 words long.22. Hugh of St. Victor, De Sacramentis Christianae Fidei Bk. 2, pt. 5, PL 176.23. Quid enim superhumerale, quo humeri episcopi ornantur et onerntur, nisi episcopalis dignitatis onus significat? Magnum onus est dignitas episcopalis: isti humeri totius Ecclesiae onera ferre, et oves languidas et populi peccata ferre debent. (PL 165, 1106A.)24. PL 165, 1106AB. Illi episcopi superhumerale non habent, qui aliorum onera ferre recusant: quales erant illi de quibus Dominus ait: “Alligant onera gravia, et importabilia, et imponunt in humeris hominum, digito autem suo nolunt ea movere (Matth. XXIII, 4) .” [1106B] Summus autem Pontifex ille noster tali superhumerali ornatus erat, qui relictis ovibus nonaginta novem, unam, quae perierat, quaerere venit, quam inventam propriis humeris imposuit et ad pascua reduxit.25. PL 165, 1108B.26. QSDC, p. 93.27. Tu es Petrus et super hanc petram edificabo ecclesiam meam et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam et quodcumque ligaveris super terram erit ligatum et in caelo et quodcumque solveris super terram erit solutum et in caelo. (QSDC, pp. 93-94.)28. PL 165, 1094.29. QSDC, p. 114.30. PL 165, 1092B.31. PL 165, 1100BC.32. PL 165, 1093.33. QSDC, p. 104. For the hyssop’s habitat they are probably directly or indirectly dependent on Issidore of Seville. See Joseph Hrbata, “De expositione missae Walfradi Strabonis,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 63 (1949), pp. 146-147.34. Hyssopus naturaliter in petra nascitur: “Petra autem”, ait Apostulus, “erat Christus” (1 Cor. 10.4) Bona herba hyssopus, quae nascitur, et renascitur, et radicatur in Christo. Per hanc enim etsi tota fidelium multitudo intelligi possit, praecipue tamen illi per hyssopum figurantur, qui in Christi fide radicati et fundati, ab ejus amore divelli et seperari non possunt. Per quod quid melius, quam episcopos et presbyteros intelligere possumus, qui quanto majorem in Ecclesia obtinent dignitatem, tanto firmius Christi fidei inhaerere debent? (PL 165 1093-1094.)35. PL 165, 1091.36. Cum Romae quondam in Insula in domo episcopi Portuensis simul essemus; cumque in libro Exodi de tabernaculo testimonii, et de vestibus Aaron, typica quaedam, et magni mysterii significativa legeremus, coepisti mirari tu, coepi mirari et ego, quod aliqua illis similia adhuc in ecclesia fieri videamus, cum jam vetera transierint, et facta sint omnia nova. (PL 165, 1089-90.)37. MGH, Libellus vol. 2, p. 565.38. G rard Fransen, “R flexions sur l’ tude des collections canoniques l’occasion de l’ dition d’une lettre de Bruno De Segni,” Studi Gregoriani 9 (1972), pp. 515-533.39. Robinson (1990), p. 424.40. Qui autem cognoscere volunt quid catholica et apostolica ecclesia de investitura senserit, quid docuerit, quid iudicaverit et constituerit, legat in primo capitulo illius concilii quod temporibus Gregorii septimi pape factum est …. Similiter autem et in concilio Pascalis secundi pape omnes illi clerici dampnantur et a communione fidelium seperantur quicumque de manu laici suscipiunt …. Bene ergo concordat inter se prima et ultima ecclesia, idest illa que fuit in tempore apostolorum et ista que nunc est in tempore nostro…. (Fransen, p. 530.)41. Fransen, pp. 531-532.42. Cum autem anulus et virga ab illis dantur a quibus dari debent, et quando et ubi et quomodo debent, sacramenta ecclesie sunt, sicut aqua et sal, oleum et crisma, et alia omnia sine quibus hominum et ecclesiarum consecrationes fieri non possunt. (Fransen, p. 532.)43. PL, 1093AB.44. PL, 1094BC.45. PL 165, 1098BC.46. PL 165, 1103CD and 1107AB.47. PL 165, 1104BC.48. PL 165, 1104D-1105A.49. PL 165, 1105D-1106B.50. PL 165, 1107C-1108AB.51. PL 165, 1110A. In contrast to the well-greased palms of the papal curia? Probably not.52. PL 165, 1098AB.53. PL 165, 1100BC.54. PL 165, 1098D-1099A and 1101C.55. For the originality and influence of Bruno see the comments of Barton Brown, Enigmata Figuram: A Study of the Third Book of the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum of William Durandus and its Allegorical Treatment of the Christian Liturgical Vestments (New York, 1983), pp. 160-161, and Gr goire, p. 104.56. Robinson (1990), pp. 67-73.